Posts Tagged ‘subsidies’

$900 Billion is $900 Billion–or is it?

Monday, December 28th, 2009

In his speech on September 9th, President Obama surprised listeners by declaring that health reform would not cost more than $900 billion. The President also committed to ensuring that the reform was fully paid for and would not add to the deficit. Prior to this speech, many independent analysts estimated the cost of reform at $1.2 trillion or higher. It was not clear then, nor is it clear now, how the administration arrived at the $900 billion figure. Nonetheless, it quickly became the spending ceiling for both the House and Senate as they worked to craft legislation.

Now as passage of Senate legislation approaches, differences in how the House and Senate calculate that $900 billion loom large and could have a dramatic affect on how much financial protection a final bill provides to low- and moderate-income families. The House calculated $900 billion as the “net cost” of the coverage provisions, while the Senate calculated $900 billion as the “gross cost.” The gross cost is the total cost of Medicaid and CHIP expansions, subsidies for individuals, and small business tax credits. Subtracting revenue inherent in reform (i.e. the revenue generated by the employer and individual responsibility payments) produces the net cost.

To illustrate the difference between net and gross, imagine that you are shopping for a jacket and you have decided it cannot cost more than $100. You go to the store and see a jacket that has a price tag of $120 (gross cost). There is also an in-store coupon for $20 off. According to the Senate, you could not buy the jacket because its price exceeds your $100 limit. According to the House, you could buy the jacket because with the coupon you would not spend more than $100 (net cost).

Why does it matter?
Bringing it back to health reform, according to the Congressional Budget Office, measured on a net basis the House bill provides $891 billion in coverage expansion while the Senate bill provides only $614 billion. On a gross basis the House bill costs $1,052 billion while the Senate bill costs $871 billion. In more human terms, the House bill provides greater premium assistance, especially for low-wage workers who make up the bulk of the uninsured; better benefits for nearly everyone who is eligible for a subsidy; and starts expanding coverage a full year earlier than the Senate bill. If it is agreed that $900 billion refers to the net cost of the bill, there is plenty of room under the $900 billion ceiling to improve the affordability provisions offered in the Senate (see table). But, if $900 billion refers to the gross cost as in the Senate version, then there is very little room for additional improvements even though many in the Senate agree that improvements are needed.

Gross and Net Spending: House vs Senate

Gross Spending
(in billions)

Room for improvement under $900 billion cap

Net Spending (in billions)

Room for improvement under $900 billion cap

House

$1,052

-$152 billion

$891

$9 billion

Senate

$871

$29 billion

$614

$286 billion

Who can resolve the difference?
Only President Obama knows for sure what he meant when he laid out the number $900 billion. His endorsement of the House legislation appears to suggest that he finds the House approach acceptable, but whether that approach prevails in conference remains to be seen. Low- and moderate-income families have a lot riding on the outcome.

p.s. The Health Reform Insider is taking a much-needed break this week. We’ll be back next Monday with post-Senate passage/House-Senate merger news and analysis. Happy New Year!

- Michael Miller, director of strategic policy

Is this the best we can do for low-income families?

Friday, October 30th, 2009

While most eyes have shifted to the House, with the release yesterday of their bill, persistent rumors swirl around the Senate that the combination of the HELP and Senate Finance bill will actually offer less financial protection for the lowest income workers than either of the original bills.

Here’s the story: After months of laborious negotiations and weeks of debate, the Senate Finance Committee passed its version of health reform on Oct. 13.  The Finance proposal differed from the bills passed by all of the other committees in numerous ways; one of the most striking was how much less financial protection it offered to low- and moderate-income people who would be required to purchase health insurance.  Premiums under the Finance proposal were higher and benefits lower than in either the Senate HELP or the House proposal.

As Senate leaders work to merge the HELP and Finance proposal into a single bill, they are trying to reduce some of the premiums and, according to a paper by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and discussions Community Catalyst has had with a number of Hill staff, the focus is on reductions for people between 200-400 percent FPL—an admirable undertaking that we fully support.

However, in order to pay for those increased premium subsidies, Senate leaders are considering reducing premium subsidies for the lowest income households by as much as 50 percent more than the already low level in the Finance proposal.  If this proposal is adopted, many low-income households will have a difficult time meeting their premium obligations, or could also be faced with financial penalties for failing to purchase health insurance.  Rather than being helped by reform, they will be hurt.

Is taking subsidies away from low-wage workers really the only way the Senate can think of to finance necessary improvements in subsidies for those with slightly higher incomes?  David Stockman, Ronald Reagan’s first budget director, famously noted that once in Washington he found it was “easier to curtail weak claimants than weak claims.”  That adage appears to be alive and well in Washington today, as Senate leaders seem more willing to impose an unmanageable burden on low-wage workers than to explore progressive taxation or to wring a little more waste out of the health care industry, as their colleagues did in the House.

The Senate bill is still an enormous improvement from where we currently are and the process needs to continue to move forward.

As for subsidies, it is not too late for the Senate to change course, and for a bill to emerge that will improve affordability for both low- and moderate-income households.  But it will only happen if people raise their voices and demand it.

–Michael Miller, Director of Strategic Policy