Posts Tagged ‘public opinion’

The Insider: Wishful Thinking

Wednesday, January 19th, 2011

Wishful Thinking Part One: The Vanishing Voter Mandate for Repeal
After a pause to remember those who were killed or wounded in Tucson, Congress is set to resume work this week, and the first order of business is a House vote to repeal the Affordable Care Act (read Community Catalyst’s statement opposing repeal here). As they move to take up repeal, the House leadership claims a popular mandate for repeal. A closer look at public opinion reveals that this “mandate” is nothing more than a figment of their imagination.

Unfortunately, polling questions that lack nuance will yield misleading results. Simple questions about repeal tend to track overall numbers for oppose/support. For example, a recent Gallup poll reported 46 percent supporting repeal and 40 percent opposing. These numbers fail to capture the significant percentage of the population who say they are opposed because they don’t believe the new law goes far enough.

When pollsters make the effort to dig deeper into public attitudes it turns out that repeal is much less popular. According to a recent ABC News poll, only about 15 percent of the population actually supports total repeal. Similarly, a recent Marist poll, while finding a larger percentage (30 percent) favoring total repeal, found that more people support expanding the law even further (35 percent).

If lawmakers were really listening to their constituents, they would give the ACA a chance to work rather than wasting time with a symbolic vote meant as a sop to the far right.

Wishful Thinking Part Two: Public Opinion-based Budgeting
Aside from claiming a mandate that doesn’t exist, Congressional Republicans have taken the radical step of replacing the CBO with the “Congressional Polling Office,” or CPO. Instead of relying on independent fiscal analysts to evaluate whether the ACA saves money, Republicans will determine whether the legislation raises or lowers the deficit based on what people believe. Other important economic effects, such as the effect of the ACA on job creation, will also be determined by public opinion rather than analysis. Using CPO estimates instead of those pesky numbers from the CBO, which show that repeal will increase the deficit by $230 billion over the next ten years, spares the new majority the embarrassment of having to disregard their own newly enacted rules that require legislation that raises the deficit to be “paid for.”

Cost Containment: There’s a right way and a wrong way
The recent report on national health care spending issued by the CMS Office of the Actuary highlights the importance of not disconnecting efforts to contain health care costs from the mission of revamping the health care system. The report shows growth of health care spending slowed during the 2009 recession. The biggest reason was that fewer people had health insurance. Reducing the number of people who have insurance saves money, but does it the wrong way: by undermining the goals of health insurance, which are to protect people against the cost of illness and facilitate their access to care.

The ACA, in contrast, tackles the problem of cost containment in the right way. Initially, it expands coverage without increasing costs. Over the longer run, it reduces health care spending by improving quality and efficiency.

While we’re on the subject of the right and wrong ways to reduce costs, it bears repeating that the wrong way to reduce federal health care spending is to decouple it from efforts to reduce the rate of growth of health care overall and instead substitute arbitrary spending caps. This was an idea that was advanced in the Rivlin-Dominici report on deficit reduction. We can expect efforts to revive the idea in the context of the upcoming debate over lifting the debt ceiling. It is important not to lose sight of this debate because, while many activists are gearing up for a fight to protect Social Security, it is health care (Medicare, Medicaid and the ACA affordability credits) that pose a greater long-term challenge to the federal budget and are at greater risk of being undermined.

Caution: Mad Scientists at Work
States are called the laboratories of democracy, but sometimes those labs can give birth to bad ideas as well as good ones. Two bad ideas being promoted at the state level are a call to eliminate the ACA ban on reducing Medicaid eligibility (known as the “Maintenance of Effort” requirement or MoE) and legislation being introduced in several states to criminalize implementation of the ACA.

Eliminating the MoE is a “wrong way to contain costs” idea a number of Republican Governors are embracing. It would lead to further reductions in the number of people with health insurance and increase cost-shifting onto the private sector. At the same time, it would fail to do anything to improve the way our health care system operates. Also, if states go backward on eligibility now, they will face increased implementation costs in 2014, making implementation more difficult.

Criminalizing the ACA
A number of legislators have filed legislation making it a crime to enforce the provisions of the ACA . See, for example, this proposal from Maine. (While such legislation, were it to pass, would likely be found unconstitutional, its purpose, like many other state nullification efforts, is not to make policy but to rally the opposition.) An effective response requires supporters to engage on the issue of what we want our health care system to look like on our own terms. Check out Community Catalyst’s list of the top 10 things activists can do in 2011 to keep the pressure on for quality affordable health care.

– Michael Miller, Policy Director

The Insider: Cutting through the Chatter to Focus on What Matters

Thursday, October 7th, 2010

The ACA 6 month check up (the patient seems to be a little under the weather)

This edition of the Insider is devoted to a high level overview of where reform stands politically at the six-month mark. As regular publication resumes, we’ll be digging into specific policy issues in more detail.

Public Opinion

Six months out, public opinion remains essentially stagnant with roughly equal percentages of the population supporting and opposing the new health care law. While there is some month to month fluctuation, no clear trend has been established in either direction.

The good news about public opinion is that much of what the public worries about (death panels, still; or that the ACA will increase the federal deficit) is not really part of or true about the law. People are (or would be) more supportive of the actual ACA than they are of the image of the law that they carry in their mind. More good news—focus groups consistently show that support goes up as people learn more about the law.

The bad news: It’s been extremely hard to break through the well-financed and aggressive disinformation campaign about the law. Certainly in the realm of paid advertizing, supporters are getting outspent by opponents. Furthermore, supporters have yet to come up with an effective counter campaign to match the three-pronged attack of opponents that includes unified messaging from the Republican party, the Fox/ talk-radio 24/7 media barrage and direct paid opposition messaging. Also, while overall public opinion is roughly evenly balanced, that is not necessarily the case among likely 2010 voters in hotly contested electoral races across the country.

All this underscores the importance of the outreach and community education efforts that groups are undertaking across the country. People shouldn’t expect those efforts to show up in short term swings in public opinion, but in the long run they are vitally important – and they work.

Does the public know more than they think?

Most of the public messaging from supporters is about the benefits of reform to the middle class, especially holding insurance companies accountable and eliminating pre-existing condition exclusions. But, when you ask the public who they think benefits from the ACA, the number one answer is low-income people and the uninsured. Actually, the public isn’t wrong about this. Low-income and uninsured people are the population most adversely affected by the current system, and most helped by reform. People with pre-existing conditions, the next most popular response, constitute a much smaller pool of winners.

People are much less likely to identify themselves or the middle class as beneficiaries of reform. Although the ACA takes steps to address people’s #1 concern, which is their own health care cost, they are relatively modest and probably not well known. While politicians are attempting to tout the benefits of the ACA for the middle class, there is a disconnect between the size of the ACA edifice and the benefits it appears to deliver to middle-class voters. Most political leaders and their advisers have concluded that making the case for the ACA based on expanding coverage for low-wage workers won’t help politically. But in failing to highlight the coverage issue, they risk demobilizing a group of voters for whom the ACA’s coverage provisions matter. Going forward, supporters of reform may want to be careful not to overlook the benefits of expanding coverage in their efforts to woo support from the insured middle class.

Interest Group Round Up

Insurers

Insurers are not monolithic. Some have the potential to thrive on a high-road focused on quality improvement and customer service while the bottom feeders whose business model relies primarily on cherry-picking and risk avoidance could lose market share or even go out of (the health insurance) business as the ACA gets phased in. So far, however, it is the lowest common denominator that has dominated industry political action.

Many insurers are working overtime with the NAIC and in states to blunt the potential for the Exchanges to emerge as strong, effective purchasers and to preserve maximum “flexibility” in the market outside the Exchanges, which could result in adverse selection inside. Since the decisions about how the Exchanges will function are made by the states but the cost consequences of failing to do a good job are mainly federal, there is a significant risk that the states will buckle under industry pressure.

At the same time they are working the inside to affect federal and state rules, insurers have increasingly shoveled campaign cash to Republican opponents of reform. While electing candidates committed to repeal (starting with the individual mandate, ostensibly desired by insurers) may seem like a risky strategy, bear in mind that insurers were making money even while they were losing enrollees prior to ACA passage. The conventional wisdom may be overstating insurers reluctance to see reform rolled back.

Business

Business is not monolithic either. To some extent the political stance of employers is skewed by the weight that health insurers and insurance-related businesses (e.g. brokers) have on the policy deliberations of small business associations, not to mention that many business associations may view the Exchanges as a direct competitor in the sale of insurance. In part, it seems that the opposition of some industry groups is driven more by the view that reform (or at least a distorted version of it) is a useful club with which to beat Congressional candidates in order to elect a Congress more in tune with business concerns on issues that have nothing to do with health care.

Most businesses will be unaffected by the employer responsibility requirements in the law and do not seem heavily invested in either supporting or opposing the coverage expansion per se, though they seem opposed to many of the specific financing provisions. Their major concern (like everyone else’s) is their own costs and here the business view seems to be that the ACA doesn’t go far enough…

In addition, there is concern that slower growth in Medicare payments will fuel private side cost-shifting. In truth, the ACA still leaves employers with plenty of running room to deploy their traditional cost-containment strategies—benefit buy down and shifting costs to employees.

Providers

Physicians and hospitals are divided on the law and wary of each other. Physicians are concerned about and gearing up for another Medicare Sustainable Growth Rate fight. The current provision blocking a 23% payment cut expires at the end of November. Hospitals are worried about future Medicare cuts, and hospitals and doctors are eyeing each other warily over the issue of who will control new “Accountable Care Organizations.”

Conventional wisdom is that the providers have more to gain than to lose from reform and so constitute a powerful bulwark against the rollback effort, but there is deep ambivalence within the provider community. Disenchanted physicians have become a major funder of tea-party affiliated politicians and should providers find themselves in 2013 sitting across the table from an administration hostile to the ACA, provider support could prove ephemeral.

November election outlook and the future of the ACA

First, where do things stand with respect to November Congressional races? Both the “prediction” trading site Intrade and Political website fivethirtyeight see a Republican takeover of the House as likely, with Democrats retaining a majority in the Senate.

Chance of Republican Control of House

Chance of Republican Control of Senate

InTrade

75%

25%

Fivethirtyeight

66%

22%

Repeal, really?

With this as a working hypothesis, what does it mean for ACA implementation? There is a consensus that even if they took both branches of Congress in November, repeal would be unfeasible for at least the next two years. What is unclear is how far Republicans would be willing to go in an attempt to sabotage the implementation of the law. In particular, the question is whether House Republicans would attempt to shut down government in order to deny the administration funding for implementation. Some Congressional Republicans seem eager for a showdown over health care while others are more circumspect. At minimum, expect multiple legislative and oversight actions aimed at diluting current provisions. Although Obama administration officials profess not to be losing sleep over the prospect, advocates will have no choice but to gear up to respond to the continuing attacks.

– Michael Miller, Policy Director