Posts Tagged ‘American Reinvestment and Recovery Act’

Medicaid and State Budgets: Same As It Ever Was?

Wednesday, November 9th, 2011

Kaiser Family Foundation released a report last week, detailing results from a 50-state survey of Medicaid budgets. Kaiser’s results tell a classic story known as The Life and Times of a Countercyclical Program. Those of us who work in Medicaid policy have heard it many times. (Frankly, we’re getting a little sick of it, which is why we’ve created some new tools to help rewrite the story – but more on that later.) The story goes like this:

Chapter 1: States struggle to fill historic deficits brought on by a recession.
Declining revenues left states with an aggregate budget shortfall of $149 billion in the 2012 Fiscal Year (FY) alone. After already closing a staggering $430 billion in shortfalls in 2009-2011, state policymakers have few easy choices left for balancing their budgets.

Chapter 2: The recession drives Medicaid enrollment and spending growth.
As unemployment grows, more and more families lose their jobs and have to turn to Medicaid for health care coverage. At the height of the recession, Medicaid enrollment grew by about 8 percent annually. Although it’s dropped down to a 4 percent growth rate in FY2012, that is no consolation to states who are still desperately trying to fill budget gaps.

The American Recovery and Relief Act of 2009 (ARRA) offered temporary enhanced federal Medicaid funding to states, relieving some of the fiscal pressure created by this enrollment growth. The infusion of federal funds was a lifeline to strained state budgets. For example, while overall (federal plus state) Medicaid spending grew by more than seven percent in FY2009, state Medicaid spending actually dropped for the first time in the history of the program.

Unfortunately, that enhanced funding has now expired, while the economic slump has not. That leaves states in the very difficult position this year of having to fill in the gap left from the lost federal funds. Kaiser’s report found that states project an increase in state Medicaid spending of nearly 30 percent in FY2012 (even though overall Medicaid spending is projected to increase by only 2.2 percent).

Chapter 3: States control Medicaid spending by shifting costs onto vulnerable families and restricting care.
Kaiser’s report shows an overwhelming majority of states – 46 in FY2012 – contain Medicaid costs by freezing or lowering provider payment rates. Since Medicaid already reimburses well below private rates, further cuts can worsen provider shortages in Medicaid and have a devastating effect on access to care for beneficiaries.

Another common approach is to restrict or eliminate coverage of services. Eighteen states eliminated benefits such as dental care and medical supplies, or restricted key services like physician visits, mental health care and inpatient hospital stays in FY2012. This strategy not only deprives impoverished and very sick patients of needed health services, it may also lead to higher use of expensive emergency services as chronic illnesses can worsen without access to these benefits.

This Story Needs a New Ending
Kaiser’s results also hint at a more hopeful, emerging story: states are starting to look beyond those traditional harmful cost-containment strategies. For example, 33 states expanded Long Term Care services in FY2012, frequently by encouraging the types of Home and Community Based Services that enable seniors and people with disabilities to stay at home in their communities – a cost-effective alternative to expensive institutions.

Kaiser’s survey also shows overwhelming interest in developing systems of integrated, coordinated care for the those served by both Medicaid and Medicare (the “dually-eligible”). It’s critical to ensure that these reforms improve quality of care rather than just cutting back on services, but since the dually-eligibles’ care is fractured and plagued by expensive preventable hospital readmissions and duplicated tests, investing in improved care-coordination for this population can drive up their quality of life and drive down costs.

While this is an encouraging start, there is far more states can do to lower Medicaid costs without harming – and often by improving – care. Recently, Community Catalyst released a Medicaid Report Card designed to help states do just that. It features three budget-saving policies that remarkably few states have yet enacted:

  • Improving Payment Incentives: states could save hundreds of millions of dollars by providing a stronger incentive for hospitals to reduce their rates of potentially preventable complications (such as infections) and readmissions.
  • Setting Fair Prices for Prescription Drugs: too many states reimburse pharmacies for the costs of prescription drugs using a pricing benchmark created – and inflated – by the drug manufacturer industry.
  • Expanding the Use of Nurse Practitioners: states could save millions and improve access to primary care by expanding scope of practice laws to allow nurse practitioners to practice to the fullest extent of their training.

Instead of cutting dental benefits for low-income parents or slashing already low Medicaid provider rates, states should pass these – and other – policies that improve care while lowering costs. Let’s give Kaiser something new to write about in next year’s Medicaid budget survey.

– Katherine Howitt, Senior Policy Analyst

The Insider: The Cost of Compromise

Tuesday, August 10th, 2010

FMAP: Victory at a Price

SNAP Offset Graphic FinalThe Senate voted on Thursday to provide additional federal assistance to state Medicaid programs (and additional support for teachers to avoid layoffs) and the House followed suit today, but the price was high. After several attempts to pass an FMAP extension on an emergency basis (meaning no tax increase or spending cut to offset the new spending) were blocked by a united Republican Senate caucus, the leadership decided to pay for the financial assistance to states by rolling back a temporary increase in food stamps (SNAP). The SNAP increase, part of the American Reinvestment and Recovery Acct (ARRA), was originally projected to phase out in 2014, however, the slow growth in food prices would have extended the increase until 2018. The FMAP legislation means that the increase will indeed end in 2014, creating a cliff that at that time will cause a drop in SNAP benefits.

Senate leaders (supported by the administration) faced with the specter of failure on the fiscal relief legislation and the resulting layoffs of teachers and other state workers plus the scaling back of Medicaid benefits, decided that avoiding the harm now was the lesser of two evils. With luck there will be a chance to restore the SNAP benefit before the cut actually goes into effect in 2014.

The really sorry thing is what the FMAP/ SNAP trade says about the balance of power in the US Senate today. As much as we decry the use of SNAP as one of the funding sources, it is a sad fact that a more progressive source would have been unable to clear the Senate. Unfortunately, things are only likely to get worse in the short run. Republicans, aided by conservative Democrats, will continue to block important legislation (such as FMAP, or an extension of unemployment benefits or the energy bill) and then benefit from it electorally because the problem isn’t solved and people vent their bad mood on the party in power (see example here). With the electoral winds at their back – projections are for gains in the House, Senate and governorships – what’s the incentive for Republicans to change? The prototype for this behavior was health reform under Clinton which the Republicans were able to sabotage and then ride to victory in 1994. Running the same play in 2010 is likely to create new obstacles to ACA implementation in 2011. With a more closely divided Senate ahead, we can expect more replays of the FMAP dynamic until at least 2013.

What does the MO vote really mean? Not much, but VA decision more troubling

While ACA opponents are trumpeting the passage of Proposition C in Missouri, there really isn’t much ‘there’. The voter turnout was heavily weighted to GOP voters, making it more of a straw poll of Republican sentiment than a true test of public opinion. For example, in the Senate primary race 578,582 voted in the Republican primary while only 316,107 or 35 percent of the total voted in the Democratic primary – not too different from the 70-30 split on Prop C.

Further complicating the interpretation of Proposition C was the confusing wording of the multi-part question which addressed the mandate, the right to pay for health services and the ability to make changes to the rules for liquidating certain insurance companies. As a result, Proposition C is a much less accurate barometer of public opinion than the polling which is showing that public support for the ACA is growing (albeit slowly), opposition is declining and the “intensity gap is almost inside the margin of error.” However, the Missouri vote is likely to encourage continued ACA nullification efforts, which got something of a bigger boost from the Virginia court decision last week.

Essentially, the judge hearing the case ruled that, notwithstanding the supremacy clause of the Constitution, a state can pass a law that conflicts with federal statute and then sue to enforce it. To be sure, this is just a procedural decision and a number of legal experts believe the judge has erred and that the case will ultimately be resolved in favor of the ACA, but reading the judge’s reasoning can’t give supporters of the ACA great comfort; nor does the possibility of sending a case all the way to the current Supreme Court.

Be careful what you wish for

If ACA saboteurs really got their way, what would it mean?  Two new reports shed light on that question. A new analysis from economist Jonathan Gruber estimates that implementing the ACA without the Individual Mandate would increase premiums by 27 percent while Medicare Trustees say that total repeal would shift the Medicare trust fund into a deficit a dozen years earlier than current predictions (2017 vs. 2029). But then again, if your goal is to destroy Medicare and you don’t care about expanding coverage, maybe that doesn’t matter.

Is Howard Dean right about the Individual Mandate?

Criticism of the Individual Mandate does not only come from the right. Howard Dean recently was quoted as saying not only that the mandate would be repealed but that it wasn’t necessary. As evidence he cites his own state’s experience with providing near-universal coverage to children without a mandate. Actually Vermont, while offering good coverage for kids, is not unique. The state ranks 14 in the country with respect to the rate of children’s coverage according to Kaiser State Health facts, but even the state that ranks best – Massachusetts – lacks a mandate on kids coverage. The Massachusetts mandate applies only to adults. Does this prove Dean right? Not really.

Hypothetically a similar coverage result could be achieved without the Individual Mandate if Congress could be persuaded to make insurance subsidies sufficiently robust and accept a large migration of moderate-income workers from private to public coverage. However, the outcome of the Congressional debate over the ACA, when there were 60 Democratic Senators and a large majority in the House does not auger well for a large increase in publicly financed health insurance subsidies in the near future. Gruber’s analysis shows that only about 7 million people would gain coverage at current ACA subsidy rates without the Individual Mandate, as opposed to 32 million with the mandate.

The other alternative to the Individual Mandate often mentioned – late enrollment penalties – could work from the insurance industry’s point of view. Late enrollment penalties would protect against adverse selection by charging higher premiums to people who did not obtain coverage when it was available. It’s the method used to guard against adverse selection in Medicare Part D, but it is more likely to create insurmountable barriers to coverage for low-wage workers than it is to produce something approaching universal coverage.

– Michael Miller, policy director